Visigothic Kingdom

gigatos | February 23, 2022

Summary

The Visigothic Kingdom (Latin: Regnum Visigothorum) is the name used in historiography for the state that existed in Iberia and Gaul from the 5th to the 8th century. The state was formed on land previously occupied by the Western Roman Empire as a result of the great migration of peoples. Toledo was the seat of kings and the most important city. The history of this state played an important role in the history of Spain and Portugal, as well as all of western Europe. The existence of the Visigothic monarchy was put to an end by the Muslims during the Arab conquests.

In the early fifth century, Spain was in every way an integral part of the Roman Empire. Most of its inhabitants were orthodox Christians, spoke Latin or local vulgarized varieties of it, and their culture was heavily or even completely Romanized. Social elites, city dwellers, and church people considered themselves to be the same Romans as, for example, the inhabitants of Italy.

The beginning of the fifth century brought with it events that were to bring about the end of Roman Spain, as well as a significant contribution to the downfall of the entire western half of the Empire. In 407, the legions stationed in Britain proclaimed one of their commanders, Constantine, as emperor. Part of the reason for the legions” decision was the fact that the barbarians were invading Gaul and that Rome was failing to respond decisively. In the summer of 407, Constantine, at the head of a British army, crossed into Gaul, which since late 406 had been put at the mercy of a federation of barbarian tribes, consisting primarily of Swebs, Alans, and Vandals. The Romans of Gaul recognized Constantine as their ruler and submitted to him. Despite problems in his battles with the legitimate emperor Honorius and the barbarians, Constantine managed to control a large part of Gaul, and in 408 Constantine”s leader Gerontius, along with his imperial son Constans, captured much of Roman Spain. Constans returned to Gaul, and Gerontius remained in place, commanding Constantine III”s Spanish army. In the summer of 409, relations between Constantius and his former sovereign deteriorated, and Gerontius disobeyed Constantius and proclaimed a certain Maximus emperor.

In the autumn of 409, the main forces of the Swebs, Alans, and Vandals, about whose stay in Gaul little is known, moved to the area of the Pyrenees, the mountains that form the natural border between Gaul and Spain. Sources state that on September 28 or, according to others, October 12 (it is also possible that these dates mark the beginning and end of the crossing) the confederation of Alans, Vandals and Swebs crossed the Pyrenees. The Roman garrisons protecting the pass offered no resistance and the barbarians entered the Iberian Peninsula unhindered. This may have been a deliberate act on the part of Constantine III, who wanted to get rid of the troublesome barbarians in one fell swoop and harm his rivals Gerontius and Maximus.

The Vandals, Swebs, and Alans were most likely trying to come to an agreement with the Roman administration, willing to offer their military talents to the Romans in exchange for sustenance. The military strength of the empire had long relied on the enlistment of barbarians, either as individual soldiers or as whole units. Domestic political, economic, and social problems greatly weakened Rome, and in the meantime the barbarian troops continued to grow. With no money (and often no desire) to conscript barbarians into the army, these groups were left to fend for themselves, living mainly off plunder. This was the case with the Alans, Swebs, and Vandals, who immediately after entering Spain began to extensively plunder the local provinces. The scale of their activity, according to Orosius, the author of the two most important sources for this period, was so great that they caused a widespread famine, which even resulted in cases of cannibalism.

After a brief, yet fraught with tragic events for the local population, there was probably some form of settlement between the barbarians and the Roman administration. This was not a legitimate power, however, for since 408 the rule of Spain had been held by Gerontius and Maximus, whom this chief had proclaimed emperor. The usurpers probably counted on the military help of the barbarians in their battles against their rivals for the imperial title. In 411, the legitimate emperor Honorius began to have significant success. He succeeded in smashing and capturing Constantine III, as well as regaining part of Gaul. Gerontius, meanwhile, died murdered by his soldiers. Deprived of his military protector, Maximus abandoned Barcelona and Tarragona and fled to his new allies, the Vandals and the Alans. Despite these successes, Honorius” administration did not manage to contain the chaos in the Gallic and Spanish lands until around 416. The Romans did not achieve this success alone, as military assistance from another group of barbarians known as the Visigoths played a significant role.

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Origins

There are many theories about the origin and ethnogenesis of the group that is called Visigoths in historiography. These theories differ not only in their details. This problem applies to all the barbarian tribes that began to operate within the Roman Empire from the fifth century onwards. The older theories assumed that the Germanic tribes were tribes in the full sense of the word. That is, their members shared a common history, ancestry, a sense of ethnic distinctiveness, and a community of interests. According to this line of reasoning, the Visigoths were supposed to be one of the offshoots of the Goths who at the turn of the eras migrated from their original settlements (present-day Götaland in Sweden) to the southern coast of the Baltic Sea. From there, moving gradually along the Vistula to the south-east, the Goths were to reach the area of modern Ukraine, Romania and Moldavia. There, in the 3rd or 4th century, a division would occur between the Visigoths, who settled along the Danube, and the Ostrogoths, who settled on the Ukrainian steppes.

Later historians, especially those from the so-called Vienna School, criticized this description of the origin of the Visigoths as too simplistic and anachronistic. According to them the very names “Visigoths” and “Ostrogoths” are anachronisms. In source texts written in the sixth and seventh centuries in Italy and Spain such terms are not used and both groups were simply called Goths. Earlier Roman sources from the 4th century speak of two tribal confederations dominating north of the Danube: the Terwing and the Greutung. Older theories held that the Visigoths were the Terwinges and the Ostrogoths the Greutunges, but modern opinion holds that these were the names of different peoples united into larger camps, and while there were certainly many Goths among them, there were also representatives of other groups, including non-Germanic ones.

Modern historians also point out that the term “migration of peoples” should not be understood literally. It was not the migrating tribes or ethnic groups as a whole, but only a part of them, which is confirmed by testimonies from the epoch. In light of new research, it seems that the migrating groups, which entered the territory of the Roman Empire in the 5th century, were rather groups of warriors looking for a chance to raise their material and social status in the Empire. The fact that the Huns were coming from the east also played a role; many of the barbarian peoples of Europe sought refuge from them within the borders of the Empire. The fact that these groups traveled with their families does not contradict this theory, for Roman troops during this period also took their families with them when they went into the field. The influx of warriors from non-Roman territories was not something new in the 5th century. Already before, the imperial army enlisted both individual barbarian warriors, whole units, and even peoples who, on the basis of federation, received permission to settle within Roman borders. Many barbarians, including the “Visigoths,” shared the same religion, Christianity, with the Romans.

The question remains, however, why the effects of barbarian migration in the fifth century were so different from those of previous decades. There may have been several reasons. First, a larger number of barbarians than before may have been at fault. It is estimated that the group of “Visigoths” who crossed the Danube with the consent of the Romans numbered between 30 and 40 thousand people. Secondly, Roman policy toward the newcomers was very conducive to the process of developing a sense of community and at the same time a sense of separateness from their surroundings. The Romans treated the barbarians as mercenary soldiers and saw them in this role. The barbarians were to be constantly under arms, ready to join in battle at any imperial order. In order to facilitate communication, such groups had to have a single leader who would act as an intermediary with the authorities. The emperors saw in the lack of connections between the barbarians and the Roman aristocracy, whether local or courtly, a huge advantage. So they sought to isolate the barbarians from all contact. The result of this policy was the creation of military communities, accustomed to leadership, alienated from their surroundings (often hostile, in fact) and united by a common interest. According to modern theories about the origin and ethnogenesis of the Visigoths, these processes took place during the stay of the Danubian barbarians in the Balkans. In other words, no particular ethnic group or tribe came to the territories of the empire, although it is certain that the Goths were predominant among the newcomers. It was service to Rome that made the barbarians, who were different in origin, “Visigoths.”

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Origins

The Visigoths were descended from various, mostly Germanic peoples, identifying themselves as Goths, who inhabited north of the Danube. The first conflicts between these peoples and the Romans occurred as early as the mid-3rd century, when the barbarians crossed the river and won a victory over the army of Emperor Decius in 251. After that, they remained in the imperial territories for about 20 years, mainly engaged in looting expeditions against the surrounding Roman cities and settlements. It was not until Claudius II of Gotha (268-270) and Aurelian (270-275) that the chaos in the area came to an end. Other Gothic tribes at about the same time formed a strong federation in the territories of today”s Ukraine. They are referred to in historiography as the Ostrogoths. The western Goths and their allies meanwhile retreated beyond the Danube and settled there, occasionally threatening the lands of the empire. The situation changed dramatically in the 1670s, when refugees from the east brought news of the approaching Huns, who had already broken up the Gothic federation in what is now Ukraine. The news of the danger, and the joining of some of the Danube-bound Goths with their relatives from the east, was expected to cause a much larger number of barbarian warriors to express their desire to cross the Danube this time. Based on their actions, however, it seems that they did not plan conquest or any hostile actions against Rome but rather sought protection and opportunities to serve in the army. In 376, Emperor Valens agreed to the crossing and the barbarians found themselves within the Empire.

Here, however, according to sources, they were to fall victim to dishonest Roman officials who did not fulfill their contract and did not provide food for the newcomers. This led to a revolt of the barbarians and an open stand against the empire. Emperor Valens personally marched against the rebels, but in 378 he was killed at the Battle of Adrianople, which ended in Roman defeat. The barbarians then became masters of much of the eastern part of the Balkan Peninsula. Theodosius, who succeeded Valens on the throne, gradually brought the situation under control, forcing successive groups of barbarians into treaties. Under it, they were attached to the imperial army. The barbarians were used by Theodosius in numerous civil wars against his challengers to the imperial purple. Between 388 and 394, the command of most of the Balkan barbarians serving in the imperial army was given (or assigned) to Alaric. According to later accounts, Alaric was supposedly descended from an ancient royal family of Balts, which seems more like a legend designed to legitimize his position and that of his descendants.

After the death of Theodosius, Alaric tried to take advantage of the conflicts between Constantinople and Rome. He hoped to secure his own position and provide pay and subsistence for his soldiers. Facing resistance from Rome, he led his troops into Italy in 408. Despite this demonstration, the authorities in the western part of the empire remained defiant, and in 410 Alaric”s army sacked Rome. This event caused an upheaval throughout the empire, but did not have any serious immediate repercussions, as Alaric”s successor, Ataulf, led the Visigoths out of Italy into Gaul. The situation in the region was very advantageous for the Visigoths, as there were no major Roman army groups in the region, and none of the existing troops consisted of Romans alone.

Once the Visigoths were in Gaul, Ataulf began negotiations with the local usurper, Jovin. However, when it became apparent that he was teaming up with Sarus, a Gothic dignitary who was a personal enemy of Ataulf, the Visigoth leader broke off the talks and killed Sarus. Ataulf”s anger was compounded when Jovin appointed his brother, Sebastian, as co-ruler. Ataulf then made contact with Honorius. Allied with the legitimate emperor, the Visigoths struck against Jovin”s forces. They were smashed, and Sebastian was taken prisoner by the Goths, who were handed over to the imperial administration. Ataulf then moved on Valence, where Jovin had taken refuge. The city was captured in 413, and the usurper was sent back to Narbo, where the Roman authorities executed him.

The help Ataulf gave to Honorius caused relations between Rome and the Visigoths to improve and an alliance was formed. In 413, Ataulf married the emperor”s half-sister, Galla Placidia, whom Alaric had abducted when the Visigoths captured Rome. The empire granted the Visigoths two-thirds of the Roman possessions in Gaul. Various sources attest to this, but it is not entirely clear what the phrase meant in practice. Rather, it does not appear to have been a change of ownership, as such actions were never undertaken on such a large scale by the empire. It may have been a matter of transferring two-thirds of the taxes from the area to the Visigoths. However, this version is not confirmed by other documents. It is also possible that this was in fact a physical division of land, but the matter concerned only a selected part of Gaul. Otherwise it is hard to imagine what prompted the Goths to abandon their possessions in Gaul en masse and move to Spain in the last decade of the 5th century.

By 413, Ataulf had subjugated Narbonne and Toulouse. The alliance with the Visigoths, given their expansiveness and impetuosity, was therefore very difficult for the Romans. Faced with the insolence of the Goths, the Roman general Constantius ordered a blockade of the Gaulish ports on the Mediterranean. In response, Ataulf proclaimed Priscus Attalus emperor in 414. However, the blockade by Constantius proved effective and Ataulf was forced to retreat to Barcelona. In 415 he was assassinated by conspirators led by Sigeric. The conspirators did not enjoy their power for long, however, as a week later Sigeric himself was murdered and Valyria took over the Visigoths. The new ruler made peace and an alliance with Honorius, under which the Visigoths would receive maintenance and lodging in Aquitaine in exchange for military service. Valia also returned Gila Placidia to the emperor.

The beginning of the long-lasting military presence of the Visigoths in Spain can be traced back to the reign of Valyria, who, at the behest of the empire, frequently ventured into the Iberian Peninsula to fight the Swebs, Vandals, and Alans, who were destabilizing the area and trying to establish their own states here. In 416, the Visigoths undertook their first major campaign in Spain, with the Silings and Alans as their targets. By 418 Wales had defeated the designated enemies, but the Swebs and Hasdingians were left alone. By 419 they had also managed to defeat the remnants of the supporters of the usurper Maximus. In 419, probably by order of the magister militium Constantius, the Goths were withdrawn from Spain and settled in Aquitaine. Constantius may have feared that the Visigoths would take the place of the defeated barbarians, and that Rome would gain nothing from it. The resettlement in Aquitaine under the new treaty may also have been the result of the growing threat to this important province from the Bagudians, who were terrorizing the area north of the Loire.

In the meantime, the situation in Spain had stabilized. The Siligns were broken up and the sources make no further mention of them. The Swebians were not harmed by the Welsh expedition and settled in the northwest of the peninsula. The remnants of the Alans took refuge with the Hasding family. The Hasdingians took advantage of the fact that the empire had abandoned its plan to recapture Spain at the hands of the Goths and occupied much of the Iberian Peninsula. In 422, an imperial army was sent from Italy to oppose the Vandal advance. The Roman army was to be accompanied by Visigothic forces, but the successor to Wales, Theodoric I, did not care as much as his predecessor for an alliance with Rome. It was probably with his permission that the Gothic armies did not join with the Roman ones. The isolated imperial army was beaten at Bithynia and forced to retreat. After this campaign, direct imperial rule in Iberia was limited to the province of Tarraconensis and the lands along the Ebro River.

Internal friction meant that no more attempts were made to retake the peninsula, whose undisputed rulers were now the Vandals. In 427 civil war broke out between Boniface, governor of Africa, and Felix, magister militium of Italy. Boniface succeeded in defeating his opponent”s first expedition, but the threat of attack continued, so the governor of Roman Africa entered into an alliance with Geiseric, king of the Vandals, by which he allowed them to settle in the territories he controlled. In the ensuing events, Boniface was killed, and the Vandals took the opportunity to conquer parts of Roman Africa, capturing Carthage in 439. In Spain, after the withdrawal of the Hasdings, the only real power was the Swebs, who were unable to impose their authority over the entire peninsula. During the reigns of Rechila (438-448) and Rechiarius (448-455), however, they managed to control most of the western part of the peninsula.

During the 1530s and 1540s, the imperial government was focused on maintaining Italia, southern Gaul, and Tarraconensis. The Huns appeared on the horizon, whose invasion of Gaul undermined Aetius” authority. As a result of court conspiracies, he was assassinated by the emperor in 454. A year later, the emperor himself was assassinated. The Swebs, seeking to take advantage of the chaos at the top of Roman power, invaded Carthaginiensis. The empire offered a settlement, but it was rejected by the barbarians, who also invaded Tarraconensis. Meanwhile, a Gaulish aristocrat, Avitus, who owed his position to the support of the Visigoths, became emperor after Valentinian III. In an effort to regain direct control of Gaul, he persuaded the Visigoth king Theodoric II to march against the Swebs on the Iberian Peninsula.

In the autumn of 456, the Visigoth king Theodoric crossed the Pyrenees and marched into Galicia at the head of a huge army composed of Goths and Burgundians. Rechiar mobilized and with a considerable Swebbian army set out against Theodoric. The two armies met on October 5 at the Órbigo River near Astorga. The Goths smashed the Swebs, killing many of them and forcing the rest to retreat. Rechiar, pursued by the Goths, fled to the coast, to Porto. Theodoric captured and sacked Braga on October 28. The king of the Swebs fell into Theodoric”s hands when he tried to escape from Oporto aboard a ship. In December 456, he was murdered by the Goths. The Gallic War continued, however, and the Goths did not retreat until 459, on news of the actions of Majorian, the new Roman emperor. During the retreat, the Visigoths sacked Astorga, Palencia, and many other fortresses and cities.

Theodoric”s campaign shattered the Swebbian state, which survived but was limited to northern Lusitania and Galicia. The death of Rechiar marked the end of the existing dynasty, and power struggles ensued between the various Swebi chiefs. After the events of 456, the Visigoths occupied most of the Iberian Peninsula. Only the coast of the province of Tarraconensis and part of the Ebro valley were under direct imperial control. However, these lands were soon to fall to the Visigoths as well. In 466, Theodoric was assassinated by his brother Euric, who began the process of conquering the last Roman possessions on the Iberian Peninsula.

Despite their expansion beyond the Pyrenees, the most important thing for the Visigoths was still their Gallic possessions. The main seat of the court and king was Toulouse. Taking advantage of the waning imperial power, the Visigoths occupied more Roman lands in Gaul. In the 60s and 70s of the 5th century Euric occupied Provence, and in 474 the empire ceded Auvergne to him. By about 480 the Visigothic possessions in Gaul extended to the Loire and the Rhone. In the Iberian Peninsula, only Galicia and part of Lusitania were outside Euryk”s control. In 484 Euryk died and the throne was succeeded by Alaric II. Sources state that it was during his reign that a significant number of Goths were settled in Iberia, although this is not confirmed by archaeological research. The royal court, however, remained in Toulouse, and when in 493 Alaric married the daughter of Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, who controlled Italy, the interests of the Visigoths were further concentrated in Gaul.

Historians are uncertain about the nature of the Goth settlement. The Goths may have been little more than an occupying army, quartered in special camps or towns, living off the levies of the local Roman population. However, it is also possible that they subdivided some of the lands occupied by the Roman aristocracy and subsisted on those very estates. Doubts also surround the social structure of the Visigoths. It is not known if the Goths were only warriors (or warriors and landowners) or if there were lower strata engaged in farming or ranching in addition to fighting.

The concentration of the Goths on their Gallic affairs was probably one of the reasons for the chaos that took place in the Iberian Peninsula at the end of the 5th century. Sources state that several “tyrannies” occurred at that time. Probably under this term are the attempts of individual Roman chieftains or aristocrats to establish their independent governments. The Consularia mention a certain Burdunellus, whose usurpation is supposed to have taken place in 496, most probably in one of the towns lying in the Ebro valley. Later, in 506, a similar attempt was to be made by Peter at Dertos. Probably there were more such attempts, but due to the paucity of source materials we know of only these two cases. More usurpations are very possible, as shown by the example of Gaul, where many such events have been recorded.

Meanwhile, in Gaul, following the death of the dictator Scimer in 472, local leaders had conquered much of the area north of the Loire River and were making strong inroads against the Visigoths. The fragmentation of the region and the disappearance of administrative structures in the area provided the Franks, another Germanic federation, with ideal conditions for expansion. They occupied the lands west of the lower Rhône River where they settled in the mid-4th century. One of the many Frankish chieftains, Chlodwig, defeated Sjagrius, the last of the Roman independent rulers in northern Gaul, in 486. As a result of this conquest, the lands controlled by the Merovingians began to neighbor the Loire Valley occupied by the Visigoths.

The Merovingians did not attack the Goths, however, concentrating first on the Alamanians, whom they pushed further east, and then on the Burgundians, taking some of their territory along the Rhone River. The Ostrogothic king Theodoric attempted to stop the expansionary drive of the Frankish kingdom, but despite his intervention and attempts at mediation, a Visigothic-Frankish war ensued. In 507, Chlodwig and his Burgundian allies invaded the Gallic possessions of Alaric II, who was then king of the Visigoths. The main battle of the conflict was the clash at Vouillé near Poitiers. The Visigoths were defeated and Alaric was killed. Chlodwig occupied the traditional seat of kings, Toulouse, and his troops reached as far as Barcelona. The final collapse of the Visigothic kingdom seemed a foregone conclusion, but thanks to the intervention of Theodoric the Ostrogoth, total defeat was averted. In 508, the Ostrogoths invaded Provence, forcing Chlodwig to leave Iberia and Septimania. Septimania was the only part of the Gothic possessions in Gaul that the Visigoths managed to hold.

The disaster of 507 shook the Visigothic state and it basically survived only because of the intervention of the Ostrogoths. The crisis was all the greater because it was a state organization based on a very small elite and royal family. The prestige of the ruling elite depended very much on the military success of its representatives. A spectacular defeat in a single battle, such as that at Vouille, could cause the collapse of the entire state, even one that was considered a local power (such as the Vandal state). The Visigoths, however, managed to survive, elect a new ruler, and even actively oppose the Franks. It is possible that this was due to the Visigoths” settlement of the Iberian Peninsula, which made the loss of Gaul less severe.

Gesalik, the illegitimate son of Alaric II, was elected king. The decisive voice in both the choice of king and the politics of the Visigoths was their ally and savior, King Theodoric of the Ostrogoths. For this reason, among others, Gesalik”s reign was short. After he lost Narbonne to the Burgundians in 511, he was exiled to Africa. Although he tried to return and regain power in 513, he was smashed by one of Theodoric”s chiefs, Ibba. Amalric, the legitimate son of Alaric II, was still a minor, so the Visigothic state was most likely ruled at the time by governors appointed by the Ostrogoth king. Amalric did not take the reign until 522 or 523.

Amalric was aware that the main threat to his country were the Franks. In order to neutralize the danger, he married Clotilde, daughter of Chlodwig. This marriage did not bring the expected results, however, because in 531 a new war broke out between the Visigoths and the Franks. The causes of the conflict are not fully known, but according to Gregory of Tours, the reason was an attempt to force Clotilde to change her religion from Catholic to Arian. Regardless of the reasons, fighting ensued which again ended in defeat for the Visigoths, and the defeated Amalric was assassinated in Barcelona. His death marked the end of the dynasty begun by Alaric. Ostrogoth Teudis, Amalric”s lackey, was installed as king. The new king was successful in defeating the Franks and stopping their expansion into Visigothic territory. However, Teudis lost Ceuta to the Byzantines, a bridgehead for expansion in northern Africa.

The reign of Teudis confirms the existence of a Gothic consciousness among both Ostrogoths and Visigoths. Further evidence establishing the validity of this theory may be found in the story of Eutarius. He is supposed to have come from a royal family ruling the eastern Goths at the time of the Hun invasion. In 507 he was brought by Theodoric to Italy, where he married his daughter Amalasunta in an attempt to unite the two royal dynasties. However, it seems that the Ostrogoths did not have a permanent presence in Spain. Sources say that Teudis formed his own army, made up of slaves belonging to the family of his wife, an Ibero-Roman aristocrat. Teudis also made his mark in the history of the Visigothic state as a legislator, and a set of these laws is the only one that has survived in its entirety to the present day. The laws were published in Toledo, which had been an insignificant provincial town prior to the Visigoths” reign; during Teudis” reign, however, it became the seat of the king and court.

During the reign of the Ostrogothic monarch, mixed marriages between the Roman aristocracy and representatives of the most important Visigothic families occurred on a larger scale. It seems that it was then that the process of joining the Visigothic elite to the ranks of the great landowners began. The former imperial estates, along with the slaves assigned to them, were probably taken over by the king and his family, but it is not known how large these estates were. The Gothic administration needed the cooperation of educated Roman elites to operate effectively. In order to induce them to serve, kings gave them offices, honorary titles, and provided them with numerous material benefits.

Paradoxically, the truncation of the Visigothic kingdom to the Iberian Peninsula and Septimania was beneficial to its defense. Although the state was smaller, it had more secure, natural borders. On the other hand, however, the new location limited the possibilities for expansion. After losing their foothold in Ceuta to the Byzantines, the Visigoths essentially abandoned their attempts to expand their holdings beyond Iberia. This had the consequence of reducing the royal wealth with which to reward loyal supporters and recruit new ones. This led to a decline in monarchical authority among the Gothic aristocracy. This was one of the main factors, along with the end of the Alaric dynasty, that caused a change in the transfer of power. From the reign of Teudis onward, the monarch was chosen by election by the most powerful aristocrats and perhaps church dignitaries. Only other aristocrats were serious candidates for the throne, leading to rivalry between the upper echelons of society and essentially preventing the formation of a dynasty.

In 548 Teudis was assassinated, and the reasons for this plot remain unexplained to this day. Teudegizel was elected the new ruler, and he made a name for himself by defeating the Franks during their attempted invasion of Tarraconensis. Teudegizel did not enjoy the royal crown for long, however, for as early as 549 he was assassinated during a feast in Seville. According to Isidore of Seville, the reason for the assassination was the seduction of the wives of influential nobles by the monarch. It is not known whether Agila, who took power after Teudegizel, was involved in the plot.

It is also unknown why he was elected king and how this fact was related to the outbreak of the Cordova rebellion. There is only one source describing Agila”s reign, and even that only gives a brief and unstructured chronological account of it. In any case, the attempt to put down the Cordova rebellion ended in defeat, with Agila losing not only a portion of his monarchical wealth, but also his son and the respect of much of the Gothic aristocracy. This is probably why immediately after the events at Cordova, around 550, another rebellion took place, this time in Seville. The rebels were led by an aristocrat named Atanagild. Threatened by the opposition, Agila turned to the Romans for help. Justinian I, who had recently regained some of the Roman possessions in Africa, saw this as an excuse to pursue his own agenda. He probably wanted to seize part of the Iberian Peninsula to create a buffer to protect Roman Africa from the Visigoths. In 551 a Roman army landed in the southeast of the peninsula and rapidly occupied many cities on the coast and inland, at least as far south as Medina-Sidoni. Upon hearing of this, the mighty murdered the king. However, this did not stop the Romans from retaining their new acquisitions. The administrative center of the province became Cartagena.

Little is known of the reign of Atanagild, who was proclaimed king after the assassination of Agila. Sources say that for most of his reign he was forced to fight the Romans in the south, and while he was able to achieve some success, his opponents retained most of the territory they had captured. Atanagild, because of his frequent expeditions against the imperial forces, resided not in Toledo but in Seville. He is also known to have made peace with the Franks, and his two daughters, Brunhild and Galswinta, married Merovingian kings Sigebert and Chilperic. Although Galswinta was quickly put to death by internal intrigues of the Neustrian court, Brunhild was to play a significant role in the history of the Merovingian Franks. Atanagild died in 568. He was the first Visigothic king since 484 to die a natural death.

After an interregnum of almost six months following the death of Athanagild, Liuwa was elected the new king. This king, contrary to the usual custom among the Visigoths, divided the kingdom into two parts. He himself settled in the north, at Narbonne, probably to fight the Franks, and he gave the rest of the country, including Toledo, to his brother, Leowigild. The course of Leowigild”s campaigns is not known, only that he died between 571 and 573. After his death, Leowigild took control of the entire Visigothic kingdom.

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Integration and expansion

There are quite a few sources describing the reign of Leowigild compared to his predecessors. It is known that Leowigild was very active in military affairs and campaigns were conducted virtually every year and were usually successful for the Visigoths. The first expedition took place in 570 and was aimed at Bastania (Bastitania) and Malaga. Leovigild”s forces were victorious, and he recaptured Medina-Sidonia the following year, probably killing all of its defenders. Cordoba, which had been lost under Agila, was later recaptured. In addition to this, Levovigild managed a number of smaller victories that saw him clear almost the entire Guadalquivir valley of Roman forces. Bands terrorizing villages and smaller settlements were also dealt with at the time. Sources say that in 573 the Visigoths conquered a region called Sabaria, but historians to this day have not been able to identify this name with any of the lands on the Iberian Peninsula. However, it seems to refer to lands near present-day Salamanca, which would mean that Leowigild ceased to be militarily active in the south for some time.

Around the same time, two of Leowigild”s sons, Hermenegild and Rekkared were declared consortes regni, or co-rulers. In 574 the Visigoths invaded Cantabria, which was probably independent at the time and ruled by a local Iberian aristocracy gathered in a “senate”. Leowigild”s invasion ended the independence of Cantabria, and many of the local elite were killed in battle or captured. A year later, Leowigild invaded the land known as the Aregenses montes, identified with the eastern outskirts of the modern province of Ourense. This campaign was also successful and Aspendius, the local ruler, was taken prisoner along with his entire family. In 576 there was fighting with the Swebbian king Miro, but it is not well described. All that is known is that Miro made a treaty with Leowigild to pay tribute. In 577 the Visigothic army entered the region described by the chroniclers as Orospeda, where they captured all the cities and fortresses. Historians have developed several hypotheses about the location of this region, but none of them have gained widespread acceptance in the scholarly community. In the case of this campaign, however, no local government or ruler is mentioned, so it is possible that it was part of the Byzantine possessions.

In six years of sustained wars and expeditions, Leowigild regained some of the territory lost to the Romans and restored and expanded Visigoth rule in the western lands of the Iberian Peninsula. He abolished local rulers, local governments, and peasant bands, and subjugated the Swebbian kingdom in Galicia and Lusitania. In 578 the Visigothic monarch suspended his military activities and devoted himself to the construction of a new city, which, according to sources, was to be named Reccopolis, in honor of Reccared. However, it seems that this information is incorrect and the city was to be called Rexopolis, or City of the King.

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Hermenegild”s revolt

In 579 Hermenegild, residing in Seville, rebelled against his father. Tradition states that this rebellion was religiously motivated and resulted from friction between Arians and Catholics. This version is confirmed by the Catholic Church, which recognizes Hermenegild as a saint and martyr. However, there are a number of inaccuracies that contradict this theory. The modified Arian doctrine that Leowigild wanted to impose on his subjects was not developed until 580. Sources confirm Hermenegild”s adoption of the Catholic creed, but some date the event as late as 582, that is, during the rebellion. Another theory says that Hermenegild by rebelling wanted to create his own independent government in the south. However, this is unlikely because this prince already ruled the south and as the eldest son of Leowigild he was first in line to the throne after his father.

Whatever the reasons for the rebellion in 579, the son rose up against his father. Leowigild, however, did not react until 583. Perhaps he saw the rebellion in the south as only a minor threat and hoped to reach an agreement with Hermenegild. In 581, instead of moving on his son, he set out against the Basques. After the fighting, he founded a new city called Victoriacum near a region inhabited by Basques. He settled the people captured during the expedition there, but the main idea was to encourage the Basques to live a settled lifestyle. In 582, Leowigild may have heard of possible contacts between Byzantium and Hermenegild. Fearing a repeat of the events of 551, the Visigothic king made preparations for war. In 583 his troops besieged Seville and blockaded the Guadalquivir to prevent supplies from reaching the besieged city. Seville fell a year later, but Hermenegild fled to Cordova, from where he sought to enter Roman-held territory. He was captured, however, and after his imprisonment all the other cities and fortresses involved in the revolt surrendered. Hermenegild was exiled to Valencia after his capture.

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Franks and Swebs

In 585 there was the first invasion of the Visigoths” possessions beyond the Pyrenees by the Franks in a long time. It is possible that this was a retaliation for the defeat of Hermenegild or a belated intervention in his interests (Hermenegild was the husband of Ingunda, daughter of King Sigebert of Austrasia). This thesis seems to be contradicted by the fact that the invasion was carried out by Guntram, the ruler of Burgundy, but it is supported by the circumstances of Hermenegild”s death. He was murdered in Tarragona during the invasion of the Franks. He probably left Valencia and tried to escape to the Franks through Tarragona. However, he was recognized and killed, perhaps on the orders of the younger Reccared, who would thus be recognized as the sole heir to the throne. The Frankish invasion itself ended in complete defeat for the attackers. Rekkared, entrusted with the task of defending Narbonensis, held off the Franks and launched a counterattack that resulted in the capture of the fortress of Ugerum on the Rhone.

The suppression of Hermenegild”s rebellion, the defeat of the Franks, and Byzantium”s problems with the Balkans and the eastern provinces meant that Leowigild was essentially unthreatened and could pursue his policies unhindered. He devoted the last years of his reign to eliminating the remnants of independence of the Gallic Swebs. King Miro died in 583 at Seville, although he is not known to have taken part in the fighting. Nor is it known why or in what capacity he participated in the events taking place during Hermenegild”s revolt. It is possible that he wanted to seize the opportunity to free his country from Visigoth rule, but it is also possible that he came to Leowigild”s aid as his subject. After Miro”s death, his son Eboric came to power, but in 584 he was deposed by a powerful man named Andek. For Leowigild, this was an excellent excuse to intervene, as he acted in defense of his subject. In 585 the Visigoths invaded Galicia, defeated the Swebbian army, and took Andeka prisoner. The local elite rebelled against Leowigild, but this rebellion, led by Malaric, was quickly defeated. It is generally accepted that the Swebbian kingdom was then incorporated into the Visigothic state, for it has disappeared from the sources since 585.

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Summary

The king died the year after the conquest of Galicia, and was succeeded by his son, Reccared. Leovigild”s reign is generally considered one of the best periods in the history of the Visigothic state. Leovigild unified the country by eliminating the independent states from royal power, recaptured some of the lands occupied by the Empire, stopped the advance of the Franks into Narbonensis, and completed the conquest of the Swebbia. Many historians argue that it is the period of Leovigild”s reign that should be considered the caesura between ancient and medieval Spain, as a result of the unification of these territories and his frequent war campaigns, a break was made with the Roman past of these lands.

However, Leowigild”s successes had a dark side as well. The sources contain accounts of the elimination of village bands, which proves that this was a significant problem in Leowigild”s time. The fact that such a large proportion of the provincial population resorted to this practice demonstrates the impoverishment of the rural population, at least in some areas of the Visigothic state. Leowigild also failed in his attempt to unite his subjects religiously. Knowing that a religiously divided society would not be fully integrated, he attempted to impose his version of Arianism, modified to be closer to the Catholics.

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Religious Conflict

At the time of Reccared”s assumption of power, the Visigothic state was in a very favorable situation; it was internally unified, without serious external enemies, and royal authority was respected. One of the few, but important, problems was the religious controversy between the Arians and the Catholics, two denominations that coexisted in Visigothic Spain. At issue between them was the doctrine of the Trinity. Visigoths in the sixth century were largely faithful to the Arian faith of their ancestors, who had embraced Christianity under the influence of the Eastern Empire when Arianism was the dominant view there. Many, however, chose Catholicism, as evidenced by the author of one of the most important sources for the study of the history of the Visigoths, John of Biclar.

Religious schism became a serious problem in the 6th century, as evidenced by Hermenegild”s rebellion and his support by many regions. This probably happened under the influence of the writings of the African church, which then began to flow into Spain. For there had been no major disputes before. In 580, at the synod of Toledo, under the auspices of Leovigild, a modified version of Arianism was adopted, based on the claim of the co-eternity and equality of the Son of God. Unlike Catholic orthodoxy, the Visigothic church did not attribute such attributes to the Holy Spirit. In this modified form, Arian doctrine was acceptable to some Catholics, including some bishops. It is not known what the numerical proportions were between the denominations, both after and before the reformation. It seems, however, that Arians were not very numerous compared to Catholics, and their strong position resulted rather from the fact that they constituted a majority among the strict elite. Perhaps for this reason kings were afraid to make the decision to change their religion, even kings like Leowigild, who only at the end of his reign began to consider adopting Catholicism. At the same time, however, religious differences were the biggest problem on the road to full state unification, and more and more members of the elite realized this.

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Catholicism

In most Germanic states, the process of changing religion was a long-lasting and the rulers approached the matter very carefully, sometimes even the final conversion was made only by their successors. The key issue in this matter was probably the attitude of the Arian hierarchy, which usually came from the elite and feared losing their position and influence in a possible change of religion. Unlike his father, Rekkared did not delay with the change. He announced the adoption of Catholic dogma within ten months of his accession to the throne. Sources say that immediately after his change of religion in 587, the king met with representatives of the Arian hierarchy, and later such meetings occurred several more times. There is no precise information about what was discussed at these meetings and how they proceeded, but looking at their effects, it seems that the Arian clergy simply accepted the new confession, and the loss of church offices by some of them was probably compensated in some way. In 589 a synod met at Toledo, at which the king and 72 bishops and many other clergy were present. The synod formally announced the decisions previously made and officially recognized Catholicism as the ruling religion in the Visigothic state.

The conversion to Catholicism, however, was not entirely peaceful. As early as 587, a Gothic dignitary named Segga rebelled against Rekkared and gained the support of the Arians of Lusitania. However, the conspiracy was nipped in the bud, and Segga was stripped of his hand and resettled in Galicia. The bishop Sunna who supported him was sentenced to exile and had to leave the Visigothic kingdom. A year later, there was probably another conspiracy, although some historians suspect that this was actually a provocation by Reccaredo, who wanted to get rid of the opponents of the new order. Sources say that the Arian bishop Uldila, probably the Metropolitan of Toledo, and Goswinta planned the treason. Uldila was sentenced to exile and Goswinta died, although it is not known whether she took her own life or was murdered or sentenced to death.

In the meantime there was also a war with the Franks, which ended in victory for the Visigoths. It is likely that the victory over a long-standing and dangerous enemy was judged as an expression of God”s approval of the new order. Early in the conflict, a Frankish army invaded Narbonensis and besieged Carcassonne, a fortress crucial to the defense system of Visigothic Gaul. However, the Franks were repulsed by Duke Claudius and, according to accounts, with a much smaller force. In 589 another attempt was made to overthrow Reccaredo, and it is likely that the rebellion was also religiously motivated. The rebels were led by Argimund, Duke of Carthaginensis, who proclaimed himself king. The rebellion was quickly crushed, however, and its leader was brought to Toledo and publicly humiliated.

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The end of a dynasty

The remainder of Rekkared”s reign is poorly known due to a small number of sources, and this problem will also apply to the last 85 years of the Visigothic state. After 590, Rekkared”s main concern was the Frankish and Byzantine threat, and it is also known that he crusaded against the mountain tribes in the north, including the Basques. It is also known that the king tried to gain support for himself by returning the estates seized by Leowigild. Landed estates and other property were given to both secular and clerical dignitaries. It seems, however, that some part of the aristocracy was still hostile to Rekkared and his entourage. The king died in 601, and the throne was succeeded by his son, Liuwa, who was probably a bastard child. His illegitimate ancestry and the wrongs his father had inflicted on some of the dignitaries led to a revolt in 603, which resulted in the overthrow of the young ruler. Upon him the family of Leowigild ended.

One of the leaders of the rebellion was Prince Witeric, a member of an earlier conspiracy against Bishop Mason and Rekkared. After the deposition of Liuva from the throne, Witeryk was proclaimed king. There are opinions that he was a supporter of Arianism and his motivations were religious in nature, but his reign contradicts such claims. There was no return to Arian dogma. Rather, it seems that Witeric, as well as his entourage, fought Rekkared and Liuwa, as the latter deprived them of some or all of their estates and positions. There was fighting with Byzantium during Viteric”s reign, but the outcome is not known. Viticius sought an alliance with the Franks and in 607 a marriage was to take place between his daughter, Ermenberga, and Theodoric, king of Austrasia. However, the Frankish monarch sent his bride away shortly after her arrival. Offended, Viticius assembled an alliance against Theodoric that included Teudebert II (king of Burgundy) and the Longobard chieftain Agilulf. However, there seems to have been no success in their efforts against Theodoric, and Witeric was assassinated in 610 by a group of Visigothic aristocrats.

After the death of Witerik, Gundemar was elected king. It is almost certain that he was seriously involved in a conspiracy against his predecessor. This ruler, like Witeric, was based on an alliance with Burgundy and the Longobards. His reign saw the transfer of the capital of the metropolitan province of Carthaginensis from Byzantine-occupied Carthage to Toledo, which later resulted in close ties between local bishops and kings. Gundemar is also known to have made expeditions against the Romans in the south and against the warring highlanders in the north. These battles were generally victorious for the Visigoths, but they did not completely destroy Byzantine control over the southeastern part of the Iberian Peninsula.

Gundemar died of old age in 611 or 612, and the throne was succeeded by Sisebut. Sources say that he was a highly educated man, and he corresponded with Isidore of Seville, among others. He was also very skilled in warfare, having led two major expeditions against the Byzantines in the south, during which he captured many important cities. He also successfully suppressed the Asturian uprisings and defeated the Ruccones occupying a portion of Galicia. He also re-established control over Cantabria, part of which had been occupied by the Franks during the reigns of Liuva and Viticius. During the first years of his reign, Sisebut forced the Jews living in his kingdom to be baptized, which caused resistance from the church hierarchy. Although the clergy did not openly criticize Sisebut during his lifetime, such voices were raised shortly after the ruler”s death, and in 633 a synod was held in Toledo to advise on methods of reversing this decision and their possible consequences. Faced with the power of the aristocrats who supported Sisebut and his actions, the clergy did not allow Jews who had embraced Christianity to return to their former religion, but stopped similar practices.

After Sisebut”s death, which occurred around 621, his son Rekkared ascended the throne, but he reigned for a very short time. Whether he was murdered or died for some other reason is unknown. Rekkared was succeeded by Swintila, who came from another family. It is known that he was one of Sisebut”s commanders and led the troops during the battle against the Ruccones in Gaul. During his reign, the Byzantines were finally driven out of Iberia. The capital of their enclave, Cartagena, was captured by the Visigoths in 625. It is for this reason that sources refer to Swintila as “the first ruler of all Spain between the branches of the Ocean”. However, this was not entirely true, as some upland regions of the north were in the hands of local tribes, often invading the lands of the Visigoths. It is known that Swintila set out against the Basques and after a victorious campaign founded, probably in modern Navarre, the city of Ologicus. The motive for founding the city is unclear; it is possible that the city was intended to be settled by pacified Basques, but there is also the possibility that it was intended as a fortress to protect the kingdom”s lands from attacks by the highlanders. However, Swintila”s success did not secure him the support of the aristocracy from which he came. In 630, a strongman named Sisenand gathered his followers and instigated a rebellion centered on the lands of the Ebro valley. It seems that in the ensuing chaos, Iudila, the governor of Bética, also proclaimed himself king. Sisenand, however, proved to be Swintila”s most serious rival, as he had Dagobert, king of the Franks, on his side. With the help of Frankish troops, he was soon able to overthrow the previous king and defeat other candidates for the throne.

During Sisenand”s reign, from 633 onwards, synods began to be convened regularly, bringing together the senior clergy of the entire kingdom. Synodal documents show that the greatest affliction of the Visigothic monarchs reigning in the seventh century was plots by aristocrats against their power and the subsequent assassinations of kings and usurpations. A synod in 633 established a canon condemning anyone who plotted against the reigning monarch. This was the first ecclesiastical sanction against opponents of the monarch in the history of Gothic Spain. Proof that this problem did not only concern Sisenando can be found in the decisions of subsequent synods. Sisenand”s successor, Chintila, who took the throne in 636, also secured a synod ruling on the inviolability of the person and property of the king, his family, and his supporters. Chintila probably had a less secure position than Sisenand, for immediately after the canons were promulgated by the assembled bishops, he ordered them to be promulgated throughout the country. Under the terms of the synod, Chintila and his successors were untouchable and had the exclusive right to rule. The canons also stipulated that later rulers had no right to take back the property and privileges that Chintila had granted to his followers. In 638 another synod was convened, which confirmed the previous decisions, but added restrictions to protect the ruler and his entourage.

However, the resolutions of the synods were of little use. After the death of Chintilla in 638 his son Tulga ascended the throne and was deposed a year later. The coup was carried out by Gothic nobles, but Tulga was not murdered, only forced to abdicate, after which he had his tonsure shaved off like a monk, so that he could not run for any secular office. Chindaswine, one of the nobles involved in Tulga”s overthrow, was proclaimed king.

Tulga”s overthrow was likely the result of severe friction among the Visigothic elite. This is evidenced by the decisions of the synods convened under Chintilian whose canons threatened religious sanctions in the event of an attempt to strip the wealth and privileges granted to the wealthy around the monarch. Further evidence in support of this thesis is provided by the activities of Chindastwint and his entourage. After the overthrow of Tulga, the new monarch and his entourage eliminated a rival group of nobles. According to sources, 200 of the highest aristocrats lost their lives, and 500 others were stripped of their possessions and exiled. The property of those killed and banished was divided among Chindaswine”s supporters, although the largest portion of the wealth went to members of the ruling family. Historians dispute the numbers cited by the sources, but generally agree that a major shift in the balance of power among the Visigothic elite occurred at this time.

One of the consequences of the victory of the camp centered around Chindaswint was the stabilization of the internal situation, and consequently the stability of the succession and election of rulers also increased. In 649, Chindaswint appointed his son, Recceswint, as co-ruler. Officially this was the result of appeals from churchmen and aristocrats, but the decision to allow Recceswint seems to have been made earlier and letters and petitions were written by royal supporters to show the legitimacy of such a move. This was necessary because, despite the relative domestic peace, he had Chindaswint numerous opponents outside the kingdom. These were mainly nobles whom he had sentenced to exile and their relatives who, fearing reprisals, left the Visigothic state themselves. Some dissidents fled to Gaul, seeking help from the Franks, while others went to Byzantine-ruled Africa. The very direction of migration to the two greatest historical opponents of the Visigothic state shows that these people were seeking revenge and with the help of the Franks and Romans planned to regain their lost wealth and importance. The thesis of the threat from the exiles is confirmed by the decisions of the synods held in Toledo. The canons passed there proclaim that the penalty for participation in a conspiracy, aiding conspirators, and fleeing the court is excommunication. Significantly, this excommunication could not be lifted. Any priest who nevertheless gave ministry to the traitor would also be punished with excommunication. Such draconian sanctions clearly indicate that the activities of “traitors” were the greatest threat in the eyes of Chindaswint and his entourage. It is likely that the handing over of the crown to Recceswint was, in the eyes of the elite, a safeguard of their gains and a guarantee that the people from whom they had taken over property and position would not be allowed to return to Spain.

Recceswint”s assumption of power, after his father”s death in 653, was not entirely peaceful, however. There was a rebellion by a certain Froia, an aristocrat (probably a prince) who ruled a part of the Ebro valley. He had his supporters among the local elite and may have won over the Basques, who invaded the lands in the middle of the Ebro Valley. However, Recceswint managed to control the situation, raise an army, and defeat both the rebels and the Basques. Little is known of the history of the Visigothic state under Recceswint, although he was one of the longest reigning monarchs. The reason for this is that there are not enough sources, basically only the documents of synods convened during the reign of this monarch have survived until modern times. For this reason, many important events and processes remain in the realm of conjecture. The Froian revolt seems to have triggered a series of political changes aimed at weakening the monarchy against the aristocrats who supported it. Although Recceswint managed to defeat the rebels, he did so with the support of the aristocrats, who lent him troops and money for his campaign. This was an argument with which they could force the king to make concessions.

The canons of the synod of Toledo in 653 are an expression of these tendencies. This was the first time that the secular mighty signed off on the resolutions, indicating that they had considerable influence over the deliberations and final decisions. The secular elite also made sure that Recceswint did not communicate with potential opposition, the people who had been exiled when his father came to power. The king therefore had to confirm the resolutions of previous synods concerning dissidents. The Recceswint also had to submit to the canon that property confiscated by the ruler was not his private property but belonged to him by virtue of his office as king. This meant that upon the death of Recceswin, these possessions would not be passed on to the family but would become part of the next monarch”s estate. Since in the Visigothic political system the monarch was chosen by the wealthy from among their number, this was a precaution against unduly strengthening one of the elite families. Another demand from the mighty and the supporting clergy was the revision of the estates confiscated by Chindaswine. The greater part of them, which the king and his family had seized, was to be redistributed, but this time among the aristocrats.

The synod of 653 also set clear rules for the election of the king. It was decided that the election would be held only in the “royal city,” or Toledo, and that the electors would be bishops and maiores palatii, or the highest secular dignitaries. In the case of the bishops, in practice, the bishops of Toledo and some of their suffragans took part in the election, since it took several months to convene the entire clergy for a synod. The case was similar for the aristocrats; those who participated in the election were those who resided permanently or for an extended period in Toledo or its environs. It seems that in this way the intention was to marginalize the influence of local elites, both secular and clerical, on the selection of the king. The bishop of Toledo henceforth played a special role in the selection of the new ruler.

Forced to make concessions, Recceswint defended himself by issuing edicts to put the provisions of the synod into practice. An edict declaring lands requisitioned by rulers since Swintila to be the property of the crown was promulgated in 654. The king complied with the provisions of the synod, but limited them by declaring that all the property which the monarchs had legitimately bequeathed to their heirs would not be subject to such distribution and was already private property. He acted similarly with regard to the division of royal property into private property and property belonging to the crown. He introduced such a division, but with the proviso that the king, in case of legitimate necessity, may use property belonging to the crown. The distinction between the two types of property was also introduced into civil law, which was contained in the so-called Leges Visigothorum. This code was later presented to the bishops at the next synod in Toledo. These events indicate that the aristocracy sought to limit the position of the king and his family. This was most likely due to the fact that kings were chosen from among the wealthy, who did not want one family to be dominant. Recceswint reigned until 672, when he died of natural causes, leaving no descendant.

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Wamba

After Recceswint”s death, an assembly of court dignitaries elected Wamba from their midst as the new king. The election was held in accordance with the canons passed at the eighth synod of Toledo, but the new king did not enjoy the support of the entire nobility. Immediately after his assumption of power a revolt broke out in the Gaulish part of the Visigothic state. The conspiracy was led by the local prince Ilderic and the rebels were supported by the local clergy. The conspiracy does not appear to have been intended to put Ilderic on the throne, as no source refers to him as king or usurper, leading to the suspicion that this was about handing over Visigothic possessions in Gaul to the Franks. The Basques also wanted to take advantage of the situation, and again began to invade the lands lying in the Ebro valley. Wamba divided his forces, himself leading an expedition against the Basques, and the rebellion in Gaul was to be put down by Prince Paul. In the meantime the rebels succeeded in capturing Nîmes and deprived a supporter of Wamba of his episcopal dignity, installing in his place the abbot Ranimir, Ilderic”s henchman.

Prince Paul, who headed the troops sent to Gaul, was a member of the top elite of the Visigothic state, his signatures appearing on the resolutions of the synods of 653 and 655. He may not have been in favor of Wamba”s election to the throne, for when he arrived, instead of fighting the rebels, he allied himself with them and, after gaining supporters in Spain, declared himself king. To increase his chances, he also offered an alliance to the Franks. Paul”s coronation took place in Barcelona, and shortly afterwards the new monarch sent a letter to Wamba in which he described himself as the king of the East and proposed a division of the kingdom similar to that of 569. Paul”s proposal, however, was soundly rejected at Toledo, which meant that civil war broke out. In 673 Wamba, having defeated the Basques, moved north. He took Barcelona and Gerona without much trouble, after which his army crossed the Pyrenees. The battle for Narbonne also ended with Wamba”s victory, and Paul was forced to capitulate after the capture of Nimes. His followers were punished with the confiscation of their estates and the loss of their right to testify in court (both their estates and their rights were restored in 683 under Erwig, however).

Wamba”s subsequent reign is poorly known, but it is known that in 680 he entered a state of penance. In the early Middle Ages, penance was only performed once in a lifetime, usually when it was clear that a person”s life was coming to an end due to age or illness. The purpose of entering a state of penance was to wash away all sins and prevent the penitent from being condemned. It is likely that Wamba”s health was failing at the time and so he decided to take this step. In 681, however, it appeared that the king had survived a severe illness. The consensus of opinion at the time was that the king should abdicate because he had already done his penance, and if he now committed any sins (as he would sometimes be forced to do while in power) he would not be able to atone for them, and would therefore certainly be damned after death. Wamba”s case is suspect, however, because there are sources that say that these events were the result of a conspiracy. The conspiracy was allegedly led by Erwig, who poisoned the king with a poison that robbed him of his memory and made him appear to be near death. The court, perhaps acting in good faith, believed that Wamba was in a state of penance, so that once the poison had worn off, he could not resume his duties as king. It is known that Wamba made no attempt to defend his position and resigned, choosing the life of a monk. However, this version has been criticized and historians have argued that it should not be taken literally, although in fact, there appears to have been a conspiracy behind Wamba”s abdication.

In 681, the Twelfth Synod of Toledo began its deliberations and recognized Wamba”s abdication. According to sources, the king, stepping down, signed a document appointing Erwig as his successor and, in a separate letter, asked the bishops to anoint a new king as soon as possible. This account, however, seems very suspicious, because the Visigoths, in choosing a new ruler, were not obliged to follow the wishes of the old monarch, while sources say that Wamba”s wishes were the deciding factor here. All this suggests that Erwig”s rise to power was a conspiracy. This is also confirmed by a chronology from another source. According to this account, Wamba received the sacrament of penance on the night of October 14. The next day Erwig was made king (Wamba had to write letters overnight naming Erwig as his successor and asking to be crowned as soon as possible), and his anointing took place on October 21. Everything therefore took place very quickly. This version undermines the account of the poison, but makes the account of the conspiracy of the magnates more plausible.

It seems that Wamba”s overthrow may have been related to the desire of the high clergy and aristocracy to limit the king”s power. Indeed, Wamba, having learned from the experience of his predecessors, did not convene synods at which he would have to give way under pressure from the elite. He also sought to weaken the special importance of the bishop of Toledo by creating other metropolitanates around the country and a second bishopric in Toledo itself, an unprecedented move. One of the first decisions of the synod of 681 was precisely to abolish this second bishopric and to include in the canons the acts of the synod of 610, which established for the first time that Toledo would have the status of metropolitan of the province of Carthaginiensis. Wamba, however, offended not only the metropolitan of Toledo but also the aristocracy, for he imposed a tax on it for the royal army, which indicates that he sought at least partial independence in military matters from the support of the magnates.

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Erwig and the House of Egiki

The reasons why Erwig became king after Wamba are not entirely clear and are not explained by any source. It is hard to believe that he was elected king on Wamba”s recommendation, as this was a practice unheard of among the Goths. The Chronicle of Alfonso III explains this by the fact that Erwig”s father, who came from Byzantium, married a daughter of Chindaswine, so Erwig would have been related to the earlier Visigoth kings. However, it is uncertain whether this information is true or just a figment of the imagination of the Asturians, where, unlike the Goths, there was dynastic continuity and a situation where a man unrelated to previous monarchs would sit on the throne was considered abnormal. With the Goths, however, this was not an important factor, and even if Erwig was indeed related to Chindaswint and Recceswint, he was not elected king solely for this reason.

A very plausible theory is that Erwig, an inferior aristocrat, was the most favorable option for the rest of the mighty and the bishops. His position would then depend only on the support of the elite and he could not limit them in any way. This is confirmed by the rapid publication of a revised version of the Leges Visigothorum, suggesting that the amendments had already been written, and that the new monarch only had to sign them. Theories of Erwig”s weak position are also supported by the number of plenary synods. Indeed, from the time the new king took power until 688 there were as many as four such assemblies. It is clear from the resolutions of the synods that after the overthrow of Wamba, the aristocracy began to grow in power and to consolidate its position. In 683, at the thirteenth synod, all those who had spoken out against Wamba”s rule were rehabilitated and their confiscated property returned to them.

Erwig, despite his subservience to the elite, was not safe, however, as suggested by the decisions of subsequent synods, which affirmed the illegality of attacking the king”s family after his death or resignation, an act that was henceforth to be punishable by excommunication. The threat to Erwig”s power was real, for already on November 14, 687, this monarch announced that he wished Egika to be the next king, and a day later he entered a state of penance. The new ruler was crowned in Toledo on November 24. A few months after Egika”s coronation, another synod was held in 688, at which the bishops revoked punishments for attacking the former king”s family, suggesting that Egika wanted to seize their property and eliminate possible opposition. This is confirmed by the annulment of the new monarch”s marriage to Erwig”s daughter and the bishops” agreement to confine Queen Lumgoto and her daughters in a convent and to requisition all their property. It is known from sources that Egika belonged to the innermost circle of the court aristocracy. After the crackdown on his family and Erwig”s supporters, he sought to consolidate his power, opposed the convening of further plenary synods, and attempted to break up the ranks of hostile bishops who supported other candidates for the Gothic throne. It is not certain, but it seems that the opposition succeeded in putting a certain Suniefred on the throne for a time. This is confirmed by coins with the image and signature of this ruler. The synod of 690 was called precisely to remove opposition bishops from office, so it seems that Egika eventually won the competition but still had to contend with resentment. The reason for the strong opposition was probably due to Egika”s actions to settle the succession issue during his lifetime. Egika probably appointed his son, Wittiza, as co-ruler in 698 (though some historians claim this happened as early as 693). During his reign Egika faced not only internal problems, but also attacks from Byzantium. In 697, a fleet sent by Emperor Leontius attempted to retake Carthage from the Arabs, and after failing, a portion of it probably made it to the imperial enclave around Ceuta and Tangier, from where a pair of raids into Visigothic territory were carried out. The situation was brought under control by Prince Theodemir. Another problem for Egiki was a plague that broke out in Spain during his reign. The effects of the plague were very serious since Egika and Wittiza left Toledo. Eventually, however, things returned to normal and Egika was able to continue his reign until his death, which occurred in 702 or 703.

The Chronica Regum Visigothorum states that in 700 Wittiza was anointed king and assumed independent rule after the death of his father. According to sources, the new monarch was to restore the people who had suffered as a result of his father”s rule. He allowed the exiles to return and returned their estates. This behavior indicates that the king did not feel very secure and wanted to reconcile himself to possible opposition in advance. He probably wanted to use the Spanish church to strengthen his position, as evidenced by synodal records and the Chronicle of 754, which reports that the bishop of Toledo pressured other churchmen at Wittiza”s behest. The threatened Wittiza survived on the throne until 710 or 711. It is not known what happened to him or how he lost power. What is known is that Roderic became the new king, with the support of the elite. It seems, therefore, that Wittiza”s loss of power was the result of a revolt of the mighty, and the monarch himself was forcibly forced to step down and most likely killed.

With the end of the reign of Vittis the last relatively peaceful period in the history of the Visigothic monarchy comes to an end. Rival aristocratic cliques took complete control of the state, with numerous betrayals and schisms occurring. Her attitude was crucial in the last years of the state”s existence. Based on synodal records, signed by the most important secular dignitaries, it seems to have been a very small group, consisting of about 20 families. Due to the lack of sources, it is difficult to describe the mutual colligations between these families and the functions they performed at court and in the state. It can be assumed, however, that they were extremely wealthy men with numerous clients, private armies, and influence in the provinces of the state. Kings were chosen only from this group, and the various families constantly competed with each other, as evidenced by the lack of dynastic continuity. This was probably the result of the fear of the rest that one family would grow too large above the others and be able to impose its will on them permanently. On the one hand, this system ensured a balance between the families, and the lack of a dynastic rule meant that the powerful could always choose the most suitable candidate, but on the other hand it prevented the consistent implementation of long-term policies and did not ensure stability, which in the difficult times in which the Visigoth monarchy found itself in the 8th century was a necessary condition for its survival.

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Historical Background

Historians to this day do not agree on how the emergence of a new religious movement on the Arabian Peninsula led to such a significant wave of conquest and in principle completely changed the face of Asia, Europe and Africa. Although we are not able to determine the exact causes, but we know that the Arabs found with their expansion of very favorable circumstances. Two major powers of the world at that time, the Eastern Roman Empire and Persia were fresh after a bloody and exhausting war between them, during which their statehood was often threatened. The Romans were also disadvantaged by the threat of the united Slavs and Avars, who regularly invaded the Balkan possessions of the empire and even besieged its capital. The Muslims defeated both the Persians, destroying the Sassanid state, and the Romans, although the latter were not destroyed, only gaining most of the Byzantine possessions in Syropalestine. Then the Arabs fell victim to Egypt, the conquest of which could be considered complete in 642 when Alexandria capitulated.

Further Arab conquests in Africa led the Muslims to Ceuta, which they captured between 705 and 710. The expansion into the southern Mediterranean, however, was not some regular overland campaign. The Arabs used fleets of their new subjects from Egypt and Syria and gradually occupied the most populous and strategic regions in northern Africa, such as Cyrenaica and Carthage. However, their control of these areas was far from complete, and they were often content to occupy major urban centers and secure transportation routes, while local communities or Berber chieftains were left alone. With time, fighting began to occur, especially between Arabs and Berbers, but eventually the latter saw many advantages in the alliance with the Muslims and began to embrace Islam themselves. These processes, however, took a very long time and were gradual. Local communities, often identifying with the empire, retained control over less important centers, large parts of the Berber population remained independent for a long time and often resisted the invaders militarily (as illustrated by accounts of Kahina), and Christianity, which had prevailed here since the time of the western empire, persisted in some regions even 500 years after the first Arab invasions.

In 706 the Arabs succeeded in subjugating Tangier – one of the last Byzantine strongholds in Africa. Arabic sources state that the city was ruled by a certain Julian, a Visigothic prince and subject of Roderic. This Julian allegedly asked the Muslims to invade the Iberian Peninsula and offered them his fleet to cross the Strait of Gibraltar. This was because he wanted revenge on Roderick for raping his daughter. However, many historians reject this version of events, claiming that it is a moralizing tale showing justice being served to the cruel Roderick by the righteous Arabs. Regardless of who owned Ceuta and Tangier at the time, the Muslims under Tariq ibn Ziyad occupied the area and were preparing to invade as soon as they heard of the unrest on the Iberian Peninsula.

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Period of decline

The period of the fall of the Visigothic monarchy in the Iberian Peninsula is very unclear, although its description is contained in numerous sources, and there is no shortage of archaeological material. Unfortunately, these sources are often contradictory about important events, some of them even contradictory. All of them, except for the Chronicle of 754, were written several centuries after the events, making the prevailing beliefs and ideologies of the time imprinted on them.

What is known for sure is that after the death or dethronement of Vittis, the state descended into chaos as a result of power struggles and disputes among the aristocratic elite. This is confirmed by the only source produced at that time – the coins. Two types of Visigothic coins from the early 8th century have survived. One bears the name of Roderic and the marks of the mints of Toledo and Egitania (probably Idanha-a-Velha), while the other bears the name of Ailia and the marks of Narbonne, Gerona, Tarragona and Zaragoza. It gives reason to conclude that after Wittize there was a schism and part of the state with Lusitania and Toledo came under the control of Roderic, while Agila ruled in Tarraconensis and Narbonensis. The theory of a schism is supported by the lists of kings – one version lists Agila, who was to reign for three years, and the other lists Roderic after Wittize.

The closest source to the events described is the Chronicle of 754. The Conquest of Egypt and the Maghreb by al-Hakam dates from 860; all other Muslim accounts were later based on this work. Later Christian sources describing the fall of the Visigothic state are the Chronicle of Albelda in 976 and the Chronicle of Alfonso III, preserved in two versions. These sources give different versions of the events of the last years of the Visigothic monarchy, and the differences are quite significant. Based on them, however, it is possible to reconstruct at least partially the events of the time, although getting to the details is very difficult.

In 710 or 711 there was a coup which resulted in Roderic”s deposing Wittiza from power. The overthrow of Wittiza was quite different from previous dethronings. According to accounts, the overthrow was violent, and Roderick probably carried it out by force, possibly killing his predecessor. The new king had the support of at least some of the secular and ecclesiastical elite, but it is fairly certain that this group as a whole failed to come to an agreement, resulting in serious conflict. In the northeast, Agila declared himself ruler, under whose authority the Tarraconensis and Narbonensis fell. Fighting between the two rulers did not occur, however, probably due to Muslim incursions into southern Spain. This must have been a more pressing problem for Roderic, because it was against Tarracon”s expedition that he directed his troops. The battle at the Guadalete River between the Arabs and the Visigoths ended in 711 with Roderic”s defeat. According to Arabic sources, Tariq”s expedition was a one-time conquest, but other sources say that it was a series of devastating raids that only later turned into the occupation of enemy territory. It is likely that initially the Arabs and Berbers, using naval support, would land on the coast, raid nearby cities, and then retreat to Africa. A change in tactics probably occurred when there was an open split in the Gothic elite and Roderic was betrayed and killed along with some of the conspirators. The surviving conspirators put Oppa, probably the son of Egiki, on the throne. However, he did not enjoy the crown for long because the Muslims quickly occupied Toledo. They then invaded the Ebro Valley and Sarragosa, and during the fighting Agila, who ruled the northeast, was killed (his reign dates in the list of kings indicate this). He was succeeded by Ardo, who ruled in Narbonensis until 721, when the Muslims crossed the Pyrenees and occupied the last Visigothic possessions.

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Causes of the collapse

The fall of the seemingly mighty Visigoth kingdom was very rapid. Historians to this day remain unsure why the Arabs found it so easy to conquer. All historical sources from the period state that it was the result of the demoralization and corruption that afflicted the upper classes, or simply God”s punishment for their sins. While trying to find the reasons for the downfall of the Visigoths, one cannot help but notice that the Arabs were very lucky and found themselves in very favorable circumstances. This is evidenced by the small number of troops used in the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula, the maximum estimate is only 7 thousand soldiers, and those more cautious only about 2 thousand.

The main cause of the weakness of the Visigothic kingdom was the elites, who usually unanimously elected and dismissed rulers. Now, however, the elites were divided and at odds with each other, and the king struggled against a rival king who held sway over much of the monarchy. It cannot be ruled out, moreover, that Agila was not Roderick”s only rival; no sources speak of what was happening in Bithynia or Galicia, and the rule of the king from Toledo over these territories is often called into question.

The kingdom”s problem was also an army that was not very large. It consisted of private troops of members of the elite, which was after all few in number, consisting of about 20 families, and men gathered by the king from his private lands. The Visigoths, by virtue of their inhabitation of the Iberian Peninsula, had little fear of invasion; after all, they were protected on three sides by the sea and on the northeast by the Pyrenees. Once the Spanish lands were conquered and the greater threat from Byzantium and the Franks ceased, a large army was simply no longer needed. The kingdom needed more of a policing force, able to deal with bandit groups and the plundering raids of the Basques. The kings of Toledo stopped expanding, neither trying to conquer North Africa nor expanding their influence in Gaul, where they had the militarized societies of the Frankish states as competitors. The arrival of the Arabs in North Africa and their first raids also did not stimulate the Visigoths to expand their armies. The plundering nature of the initial raids probably meant that this threat could be treated in a similar way to the Basque threat.

After the death of the king and a large part of the elite, there was a huge crisis that basically determined the victory of the Muslims, although the Muslims did not permanently occupy any major territories or even strategic strongholds (except Toledo). The selection of a new ruler depended on the election of a strict elite, and this elite had basically ceased to exist. There was still a regional aristocracy, but these people could not elect a king and were removed from any influence on state policy, so they concentrated on local affairs and did not care much about events in the capital. Besides, the difference in scale between them and the court aristocracy was enormous. The local elites had much smaller estates and wealth. Not surprisingly, the local elite did not put up much resistance to the invaders, and many of their representatives entered into deals with the Arabs in order to preserve their position and wealth. All indications are that the vast majority of the population of Visigothic Spain simply did not identify with the interests of the elite and the king and had absolutely no intention of fighting for them. This was perhaps the most important reason for the collapse of the state.

Spain at the end of the reign of the Visigoths was, according to many scholars, a vibrant intellectual center. Many authors of theological, literary and liturgical writings were active here, many of them respected not only in Spain but also in other parts of the Christian world. The most prominent authors often played a significant political role, such as the bishops of Toledo and Seville, who participated in every plenary synod and whose voices were almost the voice of the entire Spanish church. The most prominent figures were Isidore of Seville and Julian of Toledo, whose writings were disseminated throughout Europe. Isidore”s activity was so vigorous that there is even talk of an Isidorian Renaissance. Less known outside Iberia were Ildefonso of Toledo and Fructozus of Braga, but their work continued to have an impact in Spain many years after their deaths.

The intellectual output of the Spanish of that time found an outlet in historical treatises, devotional literature, theological writings, exegesis, poetry, saints” lives, monastic rules, polemics, textbooks, and collections of canon law. Among the most important writings of the Visigothic period are liturgical texts that were used almost until the 11th century. Many of these works were continuations of much earlier ones or compilations, so there must have been libraries with numerous book collections on the Iberian peninsula. In light of recent research, it is rather unlikely that these works have survived in the Visigothic monarchy since Roman times. This research shows that Visigothic Spain maintained, depending on the period, more or less contact with the Eastern Empire. Some clerics even went to Constantinople itself to study. This was the case, for example, in 571 or 572, when John of Santarem, despite his ongoing conflict with the Empire, went to Constantinople to study, for seven years. The same was true of Leander of Seville, who made his way to the Byzantine capital in the 680s. Spain was not isolated in this case, many artists from Western Europe went to the imperial court, where intellectual life thrived. A significant contribution to its development was made by many educated clerics from Italy and Africa, who were imprisoned in the East for their views contrary to the imperial orthodoxy. They created works in which they defended their theological views, and also reported on current political and social affairs. It is known, for example, that John of Santarem was in constant contact with Victor of Tunnuna, a bishop whom the emperor considered a heretic and whom he forced to stay in Constantinople. On their return, the Gothic clergy brought with them works they had received or written themselves in the East.

In addition, Iberia was in constant communication with Roman Africa, from where works, ideas, and people flowed to the peninsula and chose to migrate to the Gothic state. The reasons for this decision varied, with many choosing the Visigoth monarchy out of fear of increasingly frequent Berber incursions. Imperial commanders resisted them, but Constantinople”s forces in Africa were diminishing, as were its possessions. Many clergymen migrated because of the persecution, the authorities thus trying to force them to their view in the so-called “three chapters” affair. Sources mention, among others, a certain Abbot Nanctus, who came from Africa with his monks in the 6th century and received lands near Merida from Leowigild. The monk Donatus is also said to have founded the monastery of Servitanum and was accompanied by seventy other monks with a considerable collection of books. Ildefons of Toledo states that this was the first regular monastic community in the Visigothic state, but this is rather unlikely given the strong influence of the Gallic church in the northeast. It is likely that this was the first monastery in the south. Some historians speculate that the family of the brothers Leander, Fulgentius and Isidore of Seville were of African descent, as their Greek names would indicate. Among the highest Visigothic clerical dignitaries of African descent was Mason of Merida. The writings of African clerics and scholars such as Cyprian, Augustine, Vigilius of Tapsos, Lactantius, Donatus, and Fulgentius of Ruspe were known and respected in Spain.

It was probably under the influence of African clerics that the Spanish church began to see elements of Arian heresy in the beliefs of the ruling elite. This schism became apparent during the reign of Leovigild, when the king began a dispute over the relics and churches of Merida, wanting them to go to his bishops. It was only from this point on that the Catholic Church in the Visigothic state began to resist and fight for its theological cause, probably due to the flow of anti-Arian writings from Africa.

We know that the Spanish clergy was not inferior to their counterparts in other parts of Europe, but this raises the question of the level of education of the rest of society. There are several references to the libraries of secular magnates, so it seems that literacy was not uncommon among this group, nor was respect for knowledge. It is also known that there was a royal library at least since the reign of Chindaswine. As far as the intellectual level of people outside the capital is concerned, for the time being, there is a lack of the results of some more thorough research to say anything certain about it. However, this study is currently being conducted.

Sources

1. Królestwo Wizygotów
2. Visigothic Kingdom